WHO director says new coronavirus variant is not 'out of control', but blockages are prudent | Saúde | JORNAL PACIFISTA 

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Saúde / 22/12/2020


WHO director says new coronavirus variant is not 'out of control', but blockages are prudent

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WHO director says new coronavirus variant is not 'out of control', but blockages are prudent

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Michael Ryan, head of the emergency program, said Monday that a new strain could be stopped, although it would spread faster. For him, new restrictions show that countries are acting based on the "precautionary principle".

The director of emergencies of the World Health Organization (WHO), Michael Ryan, said on Monday (21) that the new variant of the coronavirus "is not out of control", but that blocks adopted by different countries are "prudent".

The statement that variant B.1.1.7. was "out of control" was made by British Health Minister Matt Hancock on Sunday (20) to justify further measures of social isolation on the eve of Christmas.

"We had a R0 (virus reproduction rate) much higher than 1.5 at different times of the pandemic and we managed to control it. Therefore, this situation is not, in this sense, out of control," said Michael Ryan, in a press conference. press.

He said that "although the virus has become a little more efficient in terms of spreading, it can be stopped". On the other hand, Ryan stressed that, by imposing new restrictive measures, countries are acting on the basis of the “precautionary principle” and that this is “prudent”.

"The current measures are good. We must continue to do what we have done so far," he declared.

On Monday (21), several countries in Europe and other continents joined the restrictions on flights the United Kingdom, a country a new variant of coronavirus was detected. (See below).

Search for evidence

The WHO said on Monday that there is no evidence that the new coronavirus mutation increases the severity of the disease.

"The UK has reported that this new variant is more easily transmitted, but there is no evidence so far that it is more likely to cause serious illness or mortality," explained Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, director-general of WHO.

The organization's technical leader, Maria van Kerkhove, stressed that all viruses undergo mutations and that scientists around the world are evaluating each of the mutations to understand their importance.

“We are trying to determine if the variation has a consequence for transmission, if there is a difference in the severity of the disease, if there is a difference in the production of antibodies. But we still have no evidence of changes in the behavior of the virus. As soon as we know, we will let you know, ”said the technical leader.

The European Center for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC) has also warned that there is no evidence that this new strain is more dangerous. "There is no indication at this point of greater infectious severity associated with the variant."

According to ECDC, studies are being carried out to determine the risk of reinfections and the effectiveness of vaccines.

Mutation

The new variant of the coronavirus received the name of line B.1.1.7. It has 23 genetic variations. Some of these have undergone mutations in the crown spine, which is the protein responsible for the entry of the virus into the cell. This is what may be causing the virus to spread more quickly.

In November, line B.1.17. already accounted for 28% of new contaminants in London. In the second week of December, this percentage jumped to 62%.

The most likely explanation for the appearance of the new strain is that it appeared in a patient who had been ill for a long time. The patient's immune system ended up not beating the virus, which meant that he had more time to evolve.

Restrictions around the world

Several countries in Europe and other continents joined on Monday (21) the restrictions on flights the United Kingdom, the new variant of coronavirus was detected.

In South America, Argentina, Colombia, Chile and Peru decided to close their air borders with the United Kingdom due to the advance of the new coronavirus variant. El Salvador and Canada also imposed restrictions.

MAT 1

OUTRAS PALAVRAS

Only political invention will save us Bolsonaro

The president's barbarities are logical: appeal to religion to worship the market god and eliminate dissent. It is necessary to build new horizons: decolonize projects, encourage collective mandates and participation beyond the elections

1 - An authoritarian candidate

When Bolsonaro campaigned politically declaring that we were at war and, therefore, that his government would strafe or physically eliminate his opponents, he practiced a totalitarian attitude in which he clearly stated the promise of eliminating the other and differences. The silence of our institutions and the naturalization with which society has been accepting statements like that, and even the replicas produced by the then President of the Republic on his social networks, may be an indication of a certain degree of social authoritarianism, a dangerous bet by intolerance that reflects the sedimentation of an authoritarian culture.

As president, on a visit to Piauí, on August 15, 2019, when he criticized the left for free, in a public speech, he said: “we will end the poop in Brazil. Poop is that breed of corrupt and communist ”. The authoritarian culture, of which Bolsonaro is a catalyst in our country's political moment, is of a priestly and military character, since it is based on the belief that there is a unique and absolute truth of which they are the bearers and guardians. Thus, if they are the only bearers and guardians of the truth, the differences and the worldview of others can only be a harmful lie and, as a harmful lie, they cannot exist, leaving them, as vigilantes, to eliminate the liars and make a racial and cultural cleansing in the name of the nation and of God, who, ultimately, are themselves and their interests.

This totalitarian doctrine blinds them to the point that they do not realize that if they and others exist, and if their existences are marked by differences, they are the others of others. Therefore, why would others, when looking at them, for the principle of equality, not have the right to eliminate them, since they will also be perceived as different? Why does totalitarianism deny the possibility of being treated as equal by the different? A totalitarian mind does not support that someone - whom he considers inferior, different, such as the black, the Indian, the poor, the woman, the Jew, the homosexual, the lesbian, the disabled, among others - can say to him: “ I'm just like you, I'm different ”. Therefore, he thinks that the other is a subordinate, he does not think that he can be treated in the same way that he treats the other, that is, with violence. In view of this fact, we are challenged to seek other horizons for the country.

With the political campaign for the presidency of the republic in 2018, and the victory of Bolsonaro, political life in the country points to profound changes: the elimination of polarization between the center and the left center for a polarization between center / left and extreme right . However, the biggest change is the introduction of a theocratic government to replace a government practice based on values ​​of political liberalism, even though some considered liberal political culture in Brazil as an out of place idea, and in inclusion-oriented practices. social and for the distribution of direct income (through a real wage appreciation policy) and indirect (through public policy programs).

2 - Theocratic government

Bolsonaro's theocratic vision was already stamped on his campaign slogan: “The country above all. God above all ”. In his first speech as president, he already announced: “I make you my witnesses that this government will be a defender of the Constitution, democracy and freedom. This is a promise, not a party, it is not a vain word a man, it is an oath to God ”. So, here, Bolsonaro Messias does not take any oath to his electorate or to the so-called Brazilian people. He says his constituency is a witness to the oath he takes to God. When it is time to “get it”, that is, to talk about how to manage the country, he said: “I am not the most qualified, but God empowers the chosen ones”.

Bolsonaro is a disseminator of theocratic behavior. Its formation is priestly (religious) and military, that is, formed by cultures that are hierarchical, autocratic and averse to democracy. There is no democratic army or religion, they are all autocratic. In the exercise, the synthesis of the domain is: “send who can and obey who has judgment”. Obedience and violence are instruments for maintaining order and discipline. In religion, dominance comes the belief that knowledge is a revelation to few, at the same time that power belongs to the chosen. When there is a questioning, there is a knowledge, and it is always attributed to those who think differently that their opinion is only an interpretation, as if the prevailing view was not, also, an interpretation and, thus, the interpretation is disqualified differs However, the dominant interpretation is re-established.

In politics, the theocratic, military-religious logic, like that of Bolsonaro, means the implantation of a government that legitimizes the banality of evil: the establishment of war behavior. In war, the opponent is eliminated, differences are eliminated. War is a zero-sum game in which you either win everything or you lose everything. It is the authoritarian license to ask students, indoctrinated by them, to denounce, in a tyrannical gesture, teachers who preach different ideas the doctrine of the “school without a party”, “war is peace, freedom is slavery, ignorance is strength ”(George Orwell). It is the use of violence and corruption as a way to eliminate the violence and corruption attributed to others

The President's inaugural speech was devoid of proposals for the country's well-being and future, but it clarified its political ideology and religious doctrine. Bolsonaro inaugurates a model of ideological government based on a doctrine of combating a model of society based on the distribution of income and wealth that, only in the conception of him and his ideologists, would have the Workers Party (PT) as representative. Bolsonaro's speech is simplistic, however, it has been shown to be effective in manipulating a group of voters who do not think about life politics, but their needs, their consciences manufactured by the media and their fears: the crisis economic situation experienced by the country is the exclusive result of the corruption practiced by the PT; violence in society is the result of the incompetence of leftist governments and of their Human Rights policy, which means defending bandits; the moral crisis is fueled by feminist and homosexual groups that do not value the Christian family; the “homeless” and “landless”, which do not respect private property; and by the indigenous and quilombola peoples, who are lazy and occupy large amounts of land, keeping them unproductive.

To keep his followers, neo-Pentecostal religious, those crossed by the fear of violence and those touched in a moralistic way by the discourse of corruption, Bolsonaro defends his totalitarian doctrine with the name of democracy and submitted to the will of the markets: financial, agribusiness and of the media. the media market he has silence about his acts of corruption involving his family and advisers and about his fascist vision. The support and connivance of political commentators on TVs, radio and printed newspapers are explicit. On TV Globo News, for example, commentators whenever they divulge something negative practiced by the Bolsonaro family, and their nominees for public office, are soft in the comments or treat it as irrelevant facts arguing that the PT also did the same when it was in the power.

Always appealing to the name of God, Bolsonaro hides that in capitalist society God is the market. In Bolsonaro, two gods are embedded: an imaginary, his theocratic and totalitarian doctrine; and the other, material, the capitalist market. Deus Mercado does not forgive those who do not know what they are doing, those who are unable to cope alone, those who are not corrupted in a violent process of competition in the war of all against all. Deus Mercado is this voracious thing in which only 1% of the world population accumulates the amount of 99% of all the wealth produced socially on the planet and which condemns, through labor reforms, pension reforms, privatizations, reduction of rights, scrapping public policies, slave labor and the technological use applied to production and the stimulus of superfluous consumption, leading 99% of the planet's population to live with only 1% of the socially produced wealth. One thing is certain, Bolsonaro is homophobic, misogynist, racist and liar, but the motto of his campaign and his government is true: “The country above all. God above all ”. Deus Mercado smiles, but has no heaven to offer, nor salvation or reward for the country, nor for the 80% of the Brazilian population who earn between zero up to three minimum wages.

3 - The project “The Path to Prosperity”

The Prosperity Path Project - A constitutional, efficient and fraternal government proposal, says: “We propose a decent government, unlike anything that has thrown us into an ethical, moral and fiscal crisis. A government without give-and-take, without spurious agreements. A government formed by people who are committed to Brazil and to Brazilians. That meets the wishes of citizens and work for what really makes a difference in everyone's life. A government that defends and rescues the most precious asset of any citizen: freedom. A government that returns the country to its true owners: the Brazilians ”.

The Project O Caminho da Prosperidade, under the government of Bolsonaro, besides being a continuator of the Uma Ponte para o Futuro Project, incorporates in its agenda a conservative social project that re it produces a theocratic view of the world that is rooted in the elites, in part of the middle and popular classes. The main premises of this theocratic social project are the following:

In the last 30 years, cultural Marxism and its derivations such as Gramscism have joined with corrupt oligarchies to undermine the values ​​of the Nation and the Brazilian family. We need to break free;

In Brazil, society is intrinsically corrupt, all parties and politicians are corrupt and governments support themselves through corruption and the purchase of votes, hence the need to elect people who declare themselves as non-political and oppose the system;

The majority of the Brazilian population, due to their economic and cultural beliefs, is filthy being manipulated by populist, socialist and communist individuals, who make unrealizable promises and which lead the country to lag;

Constitutional and legal rights by the Judiciary to fight corruption (coercive conduct, provisional arrests for long periods without trials, ive leaks of information without evidence for political purposes) are accepted and justified as necessary;

Lava Jato's investigations would have revealed that the party that promoted corruption in the Brazilian political system was the PT, being led by Lula. Thus, preventing Lula being a candidate, deceiving the naive people, to elect himself and re-implement the mechanisms of corruption, would be a political and moral objective for every good man;

The abandonment of traditional family, moral, religious and behavioral values ​​is one of the causes of corruption in Brazilian society, economy and politics, hence the importance of a political project that places “the nation above all and God above all ”.

Bolsonaro Messias's conservative and theocratic project materializes in the following proposals to be implemented by his government: Escola sem Partido; Distance learning, no obligation to teach Philosophy, History and Sociology and the return of the discipline of Moral and Civic; end of freedom of professorship; criminalization of abortion under any circumstances; defense of the use of extreme police violence to fight crime, with awards to the police who kill the criminal; general armament of the civilian population; reduction of the minimum age of criminal liability to 16 and up to 14 years; restoration of male control over the family and leniency in penalizing violence against women.

4 - The challenges of another political horizon

Democracy does not eliminate conflicts, only an authoritarian culture (hierarchical, autocratic, theocratic, military) aims to annul them. When we kill conflicts, we kill politics and we implant totalitarianism. With democracy, we don't solve everything, we don't eliminate antagonisms; in a democracy, differences and antagonisms are negotiated. However, not eliminating conflicts is not the same as establishing war behavior. In war the other is eliminated, the difference is eliminated, because the logic of war imposes a zero-sum game: either you win everything or you lose everything, or you live or die. Therefore, it is not democratic to want to establish order by eliminating our opponents, as we will be causing the denial of politics, we will be betting on everyone's war against everyone, since we cannot eliminate conflicts, nor the antagonisms inherent in social coexistence. In Brazil, our political culture (right, extreme right, center and left) is authoritarian, although authoritarianism is carried out to different degrees and based on different ideological matrices of the same civilizing pattern: the bourgeois project of modernity.

The hegemony of civil society is different the hegemony of political society. Brazilian civil society, located in the popular field in Brazil, has the challenge of elaborating and practicing another political aesthetic that breaks with the conservative and conciliatory political practice prevalent in Brazilian society that allows the reproduction of capitalism through obedience and order. A new political aesthetic means a civil disobedience of the order, its values ​​and its knowledge system, that is, a political, ethical and epistemological disobedience. It is a new political aesthetic as a creative, joyful and efficient practice in the disruption of the practices and institutional mechanisms that support the policies of concentration of income, reproduction of racism, homophobia, machismo, misogyny, violation of Rights Humans, who donate hatred to the poor, blacks, Indians, homeless people, immigrants, prostitutes, quilombolas and domestic workers, among other groups.

Between the power of social movements, which includes the diversity of forms of individual political activism, and the power of the State, there must be permanent tension in a democratic regime. It is important to have the power of the state whether we want to govern or and oppose the financial system, as a government can be used both to help the financial system reproduce and to regulate it. One of the great current challenges, in which the State acts due to the tyranny of the market, is to develop devices that allow new ways of functioning for state institutions and of qualitative and quantitative improvement of public policy offerings for the society as a whole.

During the cycles of ebb and flow of actions by part of civil society around the expansion of rights, and in a process of democratization of society, we learned that we cannot oppose capitalism just by occupying the streets, through demonstrations of protest and demands, or voting in the hope that we will be able to elect people parties committed to social inclusion policy, income distribution policies and the implementation of mechanisms for popular participation in public institutions in the control of the budget and public policies. To oppose capitalism is to face the hegemony of the economic market model (neoliberalism) combined with a struggle against the modern / colonial world system (World Power Standard), which implies the testing of a new civilizing pattern as an alternative to the Project of Modernity. Therefore, it is necessary to maintain a behavior of tension and disobedience to the State hegemonized by capital, even when governed by forces that are alternative to the financial economist dictatorship (rentist / extractive market).

An idea of ​​strength through which we can face the hegemony of the rentier / extractivist model of capital is that we do not want to live in a commodified and commodified world, but rather, we want to live in a world in which life is more important than things, we want to live in a world the economy is a technical knowledge to produce goods for use that guarantee the quality of life of people and the preservation of the planet, and not the production of wealth to be accumulated in the hands of a few people or of small superpowered groups.

We must affirm that we do not want to live in a world with fear, nor without guarantees for racial, religious, sexual, political and artistic diversity. We want to live in a world in which our capacity for existence is guaranteed by means that we control, and not by predatory developmental processes. We must make it clear to ourselves and to our opponents that our forms of political intervention have the immediate objective of ensuring that conflicts of interest and different worldviews in their conflicts and antagonisms do not become an element of inferiorization, subordination and elimination of other.

It is necessary to denounce and demonstrate that we do not have a rule of law, but a financier rule of law. It must be said that we want a state limited and renewed in its coercive power, less militarized and less bureaucratized, what we do not want is the minimum state. We do not want a Theocratic State led by individuals who claim to be followers of God, but who are corrupt, violent, racist, misogynists, homophobic, liars, perverse to the poor and who think that the ends justify the means. We do want a state that guarantees rights and freedom, with the broad participation, in its decisions, of the diversity of citizens that make up our country. We want a secular country that guarantees everyone the right to profess any religious creed they want, but that also prevents the violence of any church or follower of one religion disrespecting the others.

Civil society, especially that articulated based on the excluded, subordinates and the democratization of society, cannot be absorbed by the government's agenda. It is the government that has to be absorbed by the plural agenda of civil society. Regarding the government's priorities, it is up to society to press for it to include them in its agenda. For that, it needs to be strengthened in a process of dispute of hegemony whose material basis is its agenda and its political project.

It is good to be clear that, in the right-financed state, governments (right, extreme right, center and left) are controlled and limited by capital. Therefore, we have as a challenge the creation of our own agenda and the strengthening of our autonomy in relation to the parties and the government, because, even the leftist governments that are always present in the popular struggles, when they arrive at the government, are seduced by the power and they fall into the “siren song” of making policies of class conciliation, implementing compensatory policies, adopting neoliberal prescription policies, practicing corruption schemes and, also, they come into conflict with social movements. In Brazil, the PT and Lula governments are examples. In addition, it is essential to delimit the field of interest between society and the State, knowing that it is not a homogeneous whole, which does not always follow the logic of class struggle, and that, in the field of values ​​and recognition, there is no difference between sexist, homophobic, misogynist, racist, center, left, right, extreme right, rich or poor.

The Brazilian State, crossed by a heritage culture, is currently submitted to the market in its rentist and extractive modality. The political culture of the functioning of our presidentialism is anchored in the voting market through “take it, give it”, in the promiscuity between the public and the private sector and in the lack of mechanisms of population control over institutions and the public budget . The interest of the Market means, for the majority of the population, the maintenance of exploitation, reification, domination through permanent mechanisms of impoverishment and practices of inferiorization and subordination in different degrees and formats.

Economic and political domination in Brazil, operated through state control, is perverse and has not, until now, allowed structural changes. Politics in the country has always been conservative or, at most, conciliatory, as in the governments of Getúlio Vargas, Juscelino Kubitschek (JK) and Lula. In the conjuncture in which we could have a policy with some level of rupture with conservatism, and started with some structural reforms during the PT and Lula governments, the seduction by power made the PT stuck to the traditional model of making politics , breaking with his historical origins, which led him to fall into the tale of the end of history ideology. And what was the legacy after PT governments? A broken country, the wealthiest rentier / extractive financial system, a parliamentary coup and, instead of a more organized civil society with a high critical sense, an extreme right mobilized in social networks and with the capacity to manifest itself in the streets, a conservative and violent, active society, which elected a protofascist to form a theocratic government.

To build a new political aesthetic and live politics in a different way is to be challenged to combine, in the same movement, actions of resistance with a project of reconstruction of meanings. It is not a question of rescuing defeated Eurocentric projects, such as socialism, but of building common sense, because, in addition to the state and private, there is the common that can be managed and instituted in a common way, managed by common interests. Thus, we can oppose the right of common use to private law, establishing public services as common rights that can be, at the same time, local, national and international, thus allowing people to use them any in the world without treated as unwanted immigrants or refugees without rights.

To build a new political aesthetic is to abandon the Eurocentric terminologies that underlie the old politics as center, right, extreme right and left, created by the Enlightenment bourgeois project to structure the politics of capitalism. It is about rehearsing collective mandates, creating parties and movements, expanding political participation beyond elections in permanent sectoral actions, and political activism around causes of collective interests. It is about feeding new political, cultural, economic and epistemological horizons around new patterns of social organization.


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